Iranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Socio-economic factors affecting political protests in Iran in 1401, case study: Isfahan citySocio-economic factors affecting political protests in Iran in 1401, case study: Isfahan city74952310.22034/ipsa.2024.523FAKazemJafary HarandiDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ardakan University, Ardakan, Iran0009-0007-1211-4151NejatMohammadifarAssistant Professor of Political Science, Ardakan University, Ardakan, Iran.0000-0003-1817-2196HosseinFattahi ArdakaniDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ardakan University, Ardakan, Iran0000-0002-8203-7960Journal Article20240729The main purpose of this research was to know the relationship between socio-economic factors affecting the political protests of Isfahani citizens. In terms of its nature and content, this research was descriptive-analytical from the survey branch, in terms of its practical purpose, it was cross-sectional. The statistical population of this research was the residents of Isfahan city. 384 people were selected as available. The tool for collecting information was a standard questionnaire whose validity and reliability were checked and confirmed. Data analysis was done with correlation coefficient and regression analysis by SPSS software. The results of the research showed that there is a positive relationship between the use of social networks, weakness of the public sphere, lack of social vitality, hopelessness about the future, high prices, unemployment, financial corruption, economic dissatisfaction, feeling of relative deprivation and political protests, and between religiosity and political trust and protests. There is a negative political relationship. Also, relative deprivation, high cost, hopelessness about the future, lack of social vitality and weakness of the public sphere positively and religiosity negatively predict the political protests of the citizens of Isfahan.The main purpose of this research was to know the relationship between socio-economic factors affecting the political protests of Isfahani citizens. In terms of its nature and content, this research was descriptive-analytical from the survey branch, in terms of its practical purpose, it was cross-sectional. The statistical population of this research was the residents of Isfahan city. 384 people were selected as available. The tool for collecting information was a standard questionnaire whose validity and reliability were checked and confirmed. Data analysis was done with correlation coefficient and regression analysis by SPSS software. The results of the research showed that there is a positive relationship between the use of social networks, weakness of the public sphere, lack of social vitality, hopelessness about the future, high prices, unemployment, financial corruption, economic dissatisfaction, feeling of relative deprivation and political protests, and between religiosity and political trust and protests. There is a negative political relationship. Also, relative deprivation, high cost, hopelessness about the future, lack of social vitality and weakness of the public sphere positively and religiosity negatively predict the political protests of the citizens of Isfahan.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_523_2bb232c0b13c774965ef8558f0fbd615.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Pahlavani discourse and idealistic leaders in contemporary Iranian political culture
(Case study: Amir Kabir and Mossadegh)Pahlavani discourse and idealistic leaders in contemporary Iranian political culture
(Case study: Amir Kabir and Mossadegh)518451810.22034/ipsa.2024.518FARozhanHesam GhaziDepartment of Political Science, Rabat Karim Unit, Islamic Azad University, Tehran, Iran0000-0002-9192-481XMohammadNezhadiranDoctorate in Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Science and Research Unit, Tehran0000-0003-3186-0399Journal Article20240731Abstract:<br />The aim of the current research is to investigate and analyze the Pahlavani discourse in Iranian political culture as one of the important issues that can be seen regarding the trend of heroism and political saviorism in the contemporary history of Iran, and an attempt has been made to analyze this phenomenon with the discourse method and case study. and while analyzing the main components of Pahlavani discourse in Iran's political culture, evaluate and criticize its consequences in the political attitudes and behaviors of Iranians. Paying attention to the influence of Pahlavi discourse on the expansion of the spirit of heroism and presenting a mythical image of political leaders that has led to avoiding a realistic and critical look at their performance by focusing on two relatively popular political figures in the contemporary history of Iran whose fate shows the lack of Their success is in the full realization of their goals; It is one of the most important findings of this research. The general result of this research shows that the Pahlavani discourse and its control over Iranian political culture, while presenting an idealistic view of activists and political leaders, has turned them into national heroes and has made it impossible to criticize and analyze their performance impartially in order to better understand political and historical developments. .Abstract:<br />The aim of the current research is to investigate and analyze the Pahlavani discourse in Iranian political culture as one of the important issues that can be seen regarding the trend of heroism and political saviorism in the contemporary history of Iran, and an attempt has been made to analyze this phenomenon with the discourse method and case study. and while analyzing the main components of Pahlavani discourse in Iran's political culture, evaluate and criticize its consequences in the political attitudes and behaviors of Iranians. Paying attention to the influence of Pahlavi discourse on the expansion of the spirit of heroism and presenting a mythical image of political leaders that has led to avoiding a realistic and critical look at their performance by focusing on two relatively popular political figures in the contemporary history of Iran whose fate shows the lack of Their success is in the full realization of their goals; It is one of the most important findings of this research. The general result of this research shows that the Pahlavani discourse and its control over Iranian political culture, while presenting an idealistic view of activists and political leaders, has turned them into national heroes and has made it impossible to criticize and analyze their performance impartially in order to better understand political and historical developments. .http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_518_ebd9629fc3ae5e9f6611e2ee05a31cef.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822functionalism; A framework for evaluating Iran-Sweden mutual cooperation solutionsfunctionalism; A framework for evaluating Iran-Sweden mutual cooperation solutions8512451910.22034/ipsa.2024.519FARezaRahmatiAssistant Professor, International Relations, Department of Political Science, Bu-Ali Sina University, Hamedan, Iran.0000-0002-7165-0583Journal Article20240724Relations between Iran and Sweden have been tense in recent years. The level of relations between the two countries has changed from its main path, i.e. political and diplomatic relations, to security. Looking from a political perspective, the relationship has become uneven and it seems that the need for a non-political approach to improve the relationship between Iran and Sweden is inevitable. A question arises here. What is the most economical model for improving relations between Iran and Sweden in order to control critical relations? Using the theoretical framework of functionalism, this research believes that in the conditions of strong differences between the actors and uncertainty of the parties about each other's intentions, when the cooperation matures in a technical field, this situation will spread to other fields. 6 main categories, 10 sub-categories and 48 open codes were counted in interviews with experts (scientific and diplomatic) and the relations between the two countries were divided into five rings based on the maximum technical indicators (desirable, suitable, relatively suitable, good and inappropriate) is divided and it is emphasized that focusing on two favorable and appropriate circles can change the relations between the two countries in the cross-functional field.Relations between Iran and Sweden have been tense in recent years. The level of relations between the two countries has changed from its main path, i.e. political and diplomatic relations, to security. Looking from a political perspective, the relationship has become uneven and it seems that the need for a non-political approach to improve the relationship between Iran and Sweden is inevitable. A question arises here. What is the most economical model for improving relations between Iran and Sweden in order to control critical relations? Using the theoretical framework of functionalism, this research believes that in the conditions of strong differences between the actors and uncertainty of the parties about each other's intentions, when the cooperation matures in a technical field, this situation will spread to other fields. 6 main categories, 10 sub-categories and 48 open codes were counted in interviews with experts (scientific and diplomatic) and the relations between the two countries were divided into five rings based on the maximum technical indicators (desirable, suitable, relatively suitable, good and inappropriate) is divided and it is emphasized that focusing on two favorable and appropriate circles can change the relations between the two countries in the cross-functional field.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_519_63538fe6ef330c13a05a3ed7e599d5f7.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Pathology of Guild protests of educators (2017-2023)Pathology of Guild protests of educators (2017-2023)12515852010.22034/ipsa.2024.520FAKhalilSardarniaProfessor of Political Sciences at Shiraz University0000-0003-2033-2312GholamrezaFatehinezhadMaster of political science at Shiraz University0009-0003-3007-158xHengamehAlborziPh.D. in Political Science from Shiraz University0000-0002-7800-7136Journal Article20240801With the significant emergence of economic-livelihood crises from the second half of the 2010s onwards and protests in the country, Teachers have also participated in these demanding in self-motivated street forums. The interesting point in these demands, was desperation and despair towards Guild unions and civil institutions, in the unique conditions that internet social networks have created to organize protests. The main question of the current research is why, in recent years, teachers do not carry out their Guild union Demandings through Guild unions? by using the theory of street politics and by using library and internet resources as well as the field method (Structured interview) and with qualitative and quantitative content analysis method of obtained data, this hypothesis was proposed: the decrease in trust in the functions of Guild unions, their conservatism and the lack of continuous pursuit of Guild union, along with high capacities of mobilization, stimulation and participation of Internet social networks, they have influenced the street and self-motivation of teachers' union demands and the reduction of the role of trade unions in recent years. Therefore, with solutions such as: providing freedom for guild union and institutional activities of teachers, creating arrangements and legal opportunities to deliver demands to the authorities, the need to strengthen legality and belief in the law, the need to continuously follow up demands by trade unions, etc., we can trust the organizations trade union and as a result institutionalized demands were brought back to the society.With the significant emergence of economic-livelihood crises from the second half of the 2010s onwards and protests in the country, Teachers have also participated in these demanding in self-motivated street forums. The interesting point in these demands, was desperation and despair towards Guild unions and civil institutions, in the unique conditions that internet social networks have created to organize protests. The main question of the current research is why, in recent years, teachers do not carry out their Guild union Demandings through Guild unions? by using the theory of street politics and by using library and internet resources as well as the field method (Structured interview) and with qualitative and quantitative content analysis method of obtained data, this hypothesis was proposed: the decrease in trust in the functions of Guild unions, their conservatism and the lack of continuous pursuit of Guild union, along with high capacities of mobilization, stimulation and participation of Internet social networks, they have influenced the street and self-motivation of teachers' union demands and the reduction of the role of trade unions in recent years. Therefore, with solutions such as: providing freedom for guild union and institutional activities of teachers, creating arrangements and legal opportunities to deliver demands to the authorities, the need to strengthen legality and belief in the law, the need to continuously follow up demands by trade unions, etc., we can trust the organizations trade union and as a result institutionalized demands were brought back to the society.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_520_cf67355a3333e6e143439161adc2d82e.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Relationship between Identity and National Interest Under PahlaviRelationship between Identity and National Interest Under Pahlavi15919752410.22034/ipsa.2024.524FAShahroozShariatiAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-5254-4849Seyyed RaminAlborziPh.D. student in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Humanities, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.0000-0002-1622-5285Seyyed MohsenAlavipourAssociate Professor, Department of International Political and Legal Studies, Institute of Humanities and Cultural Studies, Tehran, Iran.0000-0001-7996-0538Journal Article20240812The role of identity in the analysis of Iran's foreign policy has been overlooked during the Pahlavi era. This can be attributed, at least in part, to the dominance of materialistic attitudes over the theories of international relations during this period. This article employs constructivist theory to assess the relationship between the Iranian nation's self-perception and its stance towards the West during the Pahlavi era. In order to achieve this objective, the approaches of the "Third Force", "Negative Balance", "Positive Balance", "Positive Nationalism" and "Independent National Policy" were subjected to analysis in the context of the role played by the superpowers, namely the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States, during the Pahlavi period. This research employs discourse analysis to examine the manner in which Iran has engaged with the West. The findings of this research demonstrate that during the Pahlavi era, a number of Iranian politicians held the view that the optimal provision of Iran's "national interests" was contingent upon independence from the West. Conversely, a different set of politicians advocated that Iran's national interests should be secured by establishing a security link with the West, with the objective of minimizing the country's expenses. This research demonstrates that neither of these two identity structures, despite the significant differences between them, can ensure the preservation of Iran's national interests.The role of identity in the analysis of Iran's foreign policy has been overlooked during the Pahlavi era. This can be attributed, at least in part, to the dominance of materialistic attitudes over the theories of international relations during this period. This article employs constructivist theory to assess the relationship between the Iranian nation's self-perception and its stance towards the West during the Pahlavi era. In order to achieve this objective, the approaches of the "Third Force", "Negative Balance", "Positive Balance", "Positive Nationalism" and "Independent National Policy" were subjected to analysis in the context of the role played by the superpowers, namely the Soviet Union, Great Britain and the United States, during the Pahlavi period. This research employs discourse analysis to examine the manner in which Iran has engaged with the West. The findings of this research demonstrate that during the Pahlavi era, a number of Iranian politicians held the view that the optimal provision of Iran's "national interests" was contingent upon independence from the West. Conversely, a different set of politicians advocated that Iran's national interests should be secured by establishing a security link with the West, with the objective of minimizing the country's expenses. This research demonstrates that neither of these two identity structures, despite the significant differences between them, can ensure the preservation of Iran's national interests.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_524_ba2fd310dcaa8781a9a652a31baf3c68.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Investigating the relationship between National identity and clan divergence in Mamasani and Rostam CountiesInvestigating the relationship between National identity and clan divergence in Mamasani and Rostam Counties19922752110.22034/ipsa.2024.521FASoheilaLashkariSociology, and Social Planning Department, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran0000-0002-2136-5848AsgharMirfardiFaculty member ofُ Shiraz University0000-0002-1219-4485Journal Article20240814One of the issues that has been paid attention to in countries with ethnic diversity is the level of intergroup integration. Considering the diversity of clans in Mamasani and Rostam Counties, this article investigated the relationship between national identity and clan divergence in the Mamasani and Rostam counties. Using the survey method, a structured questionnaire was used for data collection. The sample size was 450 residents of Mamasani and Rostam counties selected using a multi-stage cluster random sampling method. The factor analysis and Cronbach's alpha were used to evaluate the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, respectively. A questionnaire developed by Mirfardi and Salamatiyan (1400), was used for national identity measurement, and a self-administered questionnaire was used for clan divergence measurement. Data were analyzed using SPSS software. The findings showed a positive and significant relationship between national identity and its dimensions with tribal divergence. There was no significant difference between the clan divergence of women and men, and there was no significant difference between the clan divergence according to the job type. Multiple regression showed that the independent variables explain nearly 12% of the variance of the dependent variable. Strengthening national values and culture can help to improve integration at local and national levels.One of the issues that has been paid attention to in countries with ethnic diversity is the level of intergroup integration. Considering the diversity of clans in Mamasani and Rostam Counties, this article investigated the relationship between national identity and clan divergence in the Mamasani and Rostam counties. Using the survey method, a structured questionnaire was used for data collection. The sample size was 450 residents of Mamasani and Rostam counties selected using a multi-stage cluster random sampling method. The factor analysis and Cronbach's alpha were used to evaluate the validity and reliability of the questionnaire, respectively. A questionnaire developed by Mirfardi and Salamatiyan (1400), was used for national identity measurement, and a self-administered questionnaire was used for clan divergence measurement. Data were analyzed using SPSS software. The findings showed a positive and significant relationship between national identity and its dimensions with tribal divergence. There was no significant difference between the clan divergence of women and men, and there was no significant difference between the clan divergence according to the job type. Multiple regression showed that the independent variables explain nearly 12% of the variance of the dependent variable. Strengthening national values and culture can help to improve integration at local and national levels.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_521_07563a3fe3bbe7e3ba84431ad9d055af.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X19320240822Irannians social imagines and their role on the configuration of the Safavid stateIrannians social imagines and their role on the configuration of the Safavid state22927452210.22034/ipsa.2024.522FAMasoudVatandoostPh.D. Candidate of Political Science (Iran Issues), Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.0009-0002-5313-9981MehdiNajafzadehAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad , Mashhad, Iran.0000-0003-4503-1057VahidSinaeeAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.Seyyed HosseinَAthariAssociate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran.0000-0001-7332-4848Journal Article20240730Having a deep knowledge of Iran during the Safavid era, particularly the emergence of a state out of the old-age Sufi traditions, is of utmost significance for understanding the evolutions of the Iranian society in recent centuries. This study is aimed at studying the effects of social imagines on the structure of Safavid state, and proceeds to analyze how those imagines were formed and changed during that significant historical period. Using the theory of Charles Taylor about the social imagines and a historical sociological approach, the present study attempts to demonstrate that the normal-moral order formed during that period was based on what social backgrounds and resulted from what kind of self-understanding, and how the collective beliefs of the Iranian people about political power affected the structure and performance of the state. The findings of this study indicate that the continuation of the decentralized monarchy imagine in ancient Persia, along with the formation of a religion-centered imagine during Safavid era, resulted in the formation of a centralized state based on religious legitimacy. Also, the defeat at the Battle of Chaldoran and the efforts towards creating a Shi’ite religious utopia caused major changes in such imagines. The study is innovative in its focus on the active role of social imagines in the formation of the state and then its analysis in this historical context of Iran. By presenting an analytical model based on Taylor’s theory, this study helps create a deeper understanding of the relationship between public beliefs and political structures.Having a deep knowledge of Iran during the Safavid era, particularly the emergence of a state out of the old-age Sufi traditions, is of utmost significance for understanding the evolutions of the Iranian society in recent centuries. This study is aimed at studying the effects of social imagines on the structure of Safavid state, and proceeds to analyze how those imagines were formed and changed during that significant historical period. Using the theory of Charles Taylor about the social imagines and a historical sociological approach, the present study attempts to demonstrate that the normal-moral order formed during that period was based on what social backgrounds and resulted from what kind of self-understanding, and how the collective beliefs of the Iranian people about political power affected the structure and performance of the state. The findings of this study indicate that the continuation of the decentralized monarchy imagine in ancient Persia, along with the formation of a religion-centered imagine during Safavid era, resulted in the formation of a centralized state based on religious legitimacy. Also, the defeat at the Battle of Chaldoran and the efforts towards creating a Shi’ite religious utopia caused major changes in such imagines. The study is innovative in its focus on the active role of social imagines in the formation of the state and then its analysis in this historical context of Iran. By presenting an analytical model based on Taylor’s theory, this study helps create a deeper understanding of the relationship between public beliefs and political structures.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_522_53fde96fcc4b4ce72d7739202324cd49.pdf