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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Political Modernisation and the Constitutionalist Merchants</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Political Modernisation and the Constitutionalist Merchants</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>7</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>36</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">206</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Morteza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Manshadi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small; font-family: Calibri;&quot;&gt;The victory of constitutionalism was the first stage of forming modern government in Iran. It is of paramount importance to know how the activists understood of the concept and aims of constitutionalism. Merchants were one of the most effective social classes in the process of victory of constitutionalism in Iran. The main question in this survey is, what are the specifications of the political regime that emerged from political modernisation in Iran? The author response is, in merchants’ perspective, the constitutional government and the governance based on law were the same. In this respect, restricting despotism with law, responsibility of the king and his government can solve the Iran’s problems. The approach of this article is interpretative and historical sociology.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small; font-family: Calibri;&quot;&gt;The victory of constitutionalism was the first stage of forming modern government in Iran. It is of paramount importance to know how the activists understood of the concept and aims of constitutionalism. Merchants were one of the most effective social classes in the process of victory of constitutionalism in Iran. The main question in this survey is, what are the specifications of the political regime that emerged from political modernisation in Iran? The author response is, in merchants’ perspective, the constitutional government and the governance based on law were the same. In this respect, restricting despotism with law, responsibility of the king and his government can solve the Iran’s problems. The approach of this article is interpretative and historical sociology.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_206_7eabe3a1649ffa2b3ff8c02ebfd5659f.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>An Structural- Institutional Approach to Deadlock of Constitutional Parliaments in Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>An Structural- Institutional Approach to Deadlock of Constitutional Parliaments in Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>37</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>68</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">207</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Fazeli</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Masume</FirstName>
					<LastName>Eshtiyaghi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small; font-family: Calibri;&quot;&gt;This article deals with conditions of structural- institutional conditions of constitutional parliaments in Iran. The institutional evolution of constitutional parliaments and the interaction of structure of Iranian society and parliament have been investigated in this article. The main hypothesis is the situation of institutions in the time of Qajars made the parliament ineffective. The historical – causal method based on causal narrative has been applied to review Qajar history. The outcome of influencing world-system, capitalist economy, despotic state, and the weakness of Qajar dynasty resulted in unbalanced class structure. This factor, added to asymmetric power relations, and the positive feedback of these processes created ineffective parliaments that could not realize the goals of constitutional.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;mso-bidi-font-family: Arial;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: small; font-family: Calibri;&quot;&gt;This article deals with conditions of structural- institutional conditions of constitutional parliaments in Iran. The institutional evolution of constitutional parliaments and the interaction of structure of Iranian society and parliament have been investigated in this article. The main hypothesis is the situation of institutions in the time of Qajars made the parliament ineffective. The historical – causal method based on causal narrative has been applied to review Qajar history. The outcome of influencing world-system, capitalist economy, despotic state, and the weakness of Qajar dynasty resulted in unbalanced class structure. This factor, added to asymmetric power relations, and the positive feedback of these processes created ineffective parliaments that could not realize the goals of constitutional.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Institutional Development</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Historical Institutionalism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Causal-historical Analysis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Constitutional Parliaments</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Path-dependency</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_207_69adc1e107f7f7d035d7baf04342e1ca.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Discourse Analysis of Amirkabir Reforms in Selected Texts of Vaghayeh Etefaghyeh Newspaper</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Discourse Analysis of Amirkabir Reforms in Selected Texts of Vaghayeh Etefaghyeh Newspaper</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>69</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>98</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">208</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyyed Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Athari</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;When Amirkabir was considered the founder of the idea of progress in Iran. Before the reforms of Amir Kabir, the country was suffering from the lack of political, economic and military independence. Amir Kabir tried to increase Qajar sovereignty through production and promotion of security. Thus, the main objective from protection of domestic production that based on new industry was independence as central symbol of reform. This paper, through discourse analysis of selected texts from the forty number of the Vaghayeh Etefaghyeh newspaper that published during his premiership, examines the impact of Amir Kabir reform on economic, social and political issues during his rule.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small; font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;When Amirkabir was considered the founder of the idea of progress in Iran. Before the reforms of Amir Kabir, the country was suffering from the lack of political, economic and military independence. Amir Kabir tried to increase Qajar sovereignty through production and promotion of security. Thus, the main objective from protection of domestic production that based on new industry was independence as central symbol of reform. This paper, through discourse analysis of selected texts from the forty number of the Vaghayeh Etefaghyeh newspaper that published during his premiership, examines the impact of Amir Kabir reform on economic, social and political issues during his rule.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small; font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Discourse</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">New Industry</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Vaghayeh Etefaghyeh Newspaper</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">independence</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">peasant</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Discourse Analysis</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Amir Kabir</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_208_091d584fced301b442654dd8c23b3fc9.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Mirza Agha Khan Kermani and the Critique of Tradition</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Mirza Agha Khan Kermani and the Critique of Tradition</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>99</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>132</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">209</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Taghi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghezelsofla</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Negein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Noorian Dehkordi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;This article is an attempt to reread and interpret some of the works by Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, one of the prominent figures of the first generation of Iranian intellectuals. The main question is how he perceives Iranian tradition and what approach he takes to the pluralist and multidimensional tradition in Iran.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 18pt; font-family: &amp;quot;B Lotus&amp;quot;; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-ansi-font-size: 12.0pt;&quot; dir=&quot;rtl&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;In reply to this question, his way of dealing with tradition will be discussed and analyzed through his writings. With reference to some of his works, it will be shown that despite the common idea about him as an intellectual who rejects tradition, he is attached to some aspects of it. He takes a selective approach to tradition, and in the opposite direction to traditionalist intellectuals, intends to challenge and question some dimensions of Iranian tradition which is in contrast with modernization of Iran. However, in many cases, both his praise and criticism of tradition are rather superficial, rhetorical, and ideological, and his thought is unable to penetrate deep into Iranian tradition. The study of the strengths and weaknesses of his opinion in terms of tradition can be constructive, since Agha Khan Kermani is a modernist intellectual whose thought, whose life and even death reflect the crisis of encounter with the legacy of the past in Iran.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small; font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;This article is an attempt to reread and interpret some of the works by Mirza Agha Khan Kermani, one of the prominent figures of the first generation of Iranian intellectuals. The main question is how he perceives Iranian tradition and what approach he takes to the pluralist and multidimensional tradition in Iran.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 18pt; font-family: &amp;quot;B Lotus&amp;quot;; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-ansi-font-size: 12.0pt;&quot; dir=&quot;rtl&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;In reply to this question, his way of dealing with tradition will be discussed and analyzed through his writings. With reference to some of his works, it will be shown that despite the common idea about him as an intellectual who rejects tradition, he is attached to some aspects of it. He takes a selective approach to tradition, and in the opposite direction to traditionalist intellectuals, intends to challenge and question some dimensions of Iranian tradition which is in contrast with modernization of Iran. However, in many cases, both his praise and criticism of tradition are rather superficial, rhetorical, and ideological, and his thought is unable to penetrate deep into Iranian tradition. The study of the strengths and weaknesses of his opinion in terms of tradition can be constructive, since Agha Khan Kermani is a modernist intellectual whose thought, whose life and even death reflect the crisis of encounter with the legacy of the past in Iran.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;
&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small; font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt; &lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Modernity</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Tradition</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">intellectual</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Modernism</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Traditionalism</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_209_b1d10e7bafa4421218a51b1e1f1b0ba2.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Modes of Recruitments of  Nehzat Azadi Iran from 1962 to 1979</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Modes of Recruitments of  Nehzat Azadi Iran from 1962 to 1979</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>133</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>160</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">210</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abbas</FirstName>
					<LastName>Keshavarz Shokri</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-7686-6578</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rahmati</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The main question of this article is the modes of recruitment of the Nehzat Azadi Iran. The method of this research is historical and of the kind of qualitative research and interview is the main data collection tool. Analysis method (including the analysis of the books, articles, documents and etc.) as a complimentary method, is used also. Findings of the research disclose that leaders had belonged to new middle class but most of the members came from middle and lower middle class. Social status of the group due to leadrers’ charisma has been the main factor of recruitment. Anjoman-e Eslami &amp; Hedaayat Mosque was the main channel for people to join Nehzat Azadi.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The main question of this article is the modes of recruitment of the Nehzat Azadi Iran. The method of this research is historical and of the kind of qualitative research and interview is the main data collection tool. Analysis method (including the analysis of the books, articles, documents and etc.) as a complimentary method, is used also. Findings of the research disclose that leaders had belonged to new middle class but most of the members came from middle and lower middle class. Social status of the group due to leadrers’ charisma has been the main factor of recruitment. Anjoman-e Eslami &amp; Hedaayat Mosque was the main channel for people to join Nehzat Azadi.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Nehzat Azadi Iran</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Modes of Recruitments</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Charisma</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mosque</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">party</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Anjoman-e Eslami (Islamic Association of Students)</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_210_6f3ef77ac0e3619e98159e9b6febf557.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Divine Glory and Russia and Britain Support of Iranian Kings</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Divine Glory and Russia and Britain Support of Iranian Kings</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>161</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>183</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">211</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Jaseb</FirstName>
					<LastName>Nikfar</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;Iranian long-lasting history from the beginning to Islamic revolution victory in 1979 formed around power and bout of Iranian kings. One of the most notable reasons of the continuity of this kind of government -monarchic-state- was a belief that the source of kings&#039; power is &quot;divine glory&quot;. Sovereignty of this political state-monarchic order was day to day becoming more powerful before the emerging of Islam in Iran. Although the situation faced some evolutions by the establishment of Baniommaye and Baniabbas caliphates, this assumption was accepted by ruling states of Iran was –with some differences- more or less accepted by political society of Iran till the emergence of Safavid state. During Safavid period by recognizing Shiism as the formal religion in Iran, this thought about power found a stronger and clearer structure. After Safavid downfall and following the elimination of royal divine right in Iran this assumption was put in question. The main question of present research is how and why this royal divine right and divine glory in Iran was deprived from Iranian kings since Second Tahmasb period. Is there any relationship between the presence of foreign forces-Russian and Ottoman states- and elimination of royal divine right in Iran? Since constitutionalism period people denied both divine right and support of foreigners and they found that the main origin of national power is the people themselves.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;Iranian long-lasting history from the beginning to Islamic revolution victory in 1979 formed around power and bout of Iranian kings. One of the most notable reasons of the continuity of this kind of government -monarchic-state- was a belief that the source of kings&#039; power is &quot;divine glory&quot;. Sovereignty of this political state-monarchic order was day to day becoming more powerful before the emerging of Islam in Iran. Although the situation faced some evolutions by the establishment of Baniommaye and Baniabbas caliphates, this assumption was accepted by ruling states of Iran was –with some differences- more or less accepted by political society of Iran till the emergence of Safavid state. During Safavid period by recognizing Shiism as the formal religion in Iran, this thought about power found a stronger and clearer structure. After Safavid downfall and following the elimination of royal divine right in Iran this assumption was put in question. The main question of present research is how and why this royal divine right and divine glory in Iran was deprived from Iranian kings since Second Tahmasb period. Is there any relationship between the presence of foreign forces-Russian and Ottoman states- and elimination of royal divine right in Iran? Since constitutionalism period people denied both divine right and support of foreigners and they found that the main origin of national power is the people themselves.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Rasht and Petersburg contracts</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">1919 contracts</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">ancient East</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">dorry Effandi</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">the October Revolution</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Legitimacy</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_211_eb163727917cbba1eea208541a643e74.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>8</Volume>
				<Issue>3</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>09</Month>
					<Day>23</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Modes of Recruitments of Nehzat Azadi Iran from 1962 to 1979</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Modes of Recruitments of Nehzat Azadi Iran from 1962 to 1979</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>185</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>208</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">212</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Shervin</FirstName>
					<LastName>Moghimi Zanjani</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2013</Year>
					<Month>10</Month>
					<Day>13</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;In this paper we will attempt to compare the characteristics of Imam in the Ismaili theosophy, as described by Nasir Khusraw, with properties and traits of Ideal King in ancient Persian wisdom. We emphasizes on essential qualities in the Iranian political thought that throughout a long historical period, from establishment of contents of ancient Persian thinking to today, has had an impact on our political culture. If we can consider correctly the characteristics of Ismaili’s Imam (or Fatimid Caliph), as portrayed by Nasir Khusraw, we would diagnose some fundamental affinities between them and descriptions of the Ideal King in the ancient Iranian political thought. By surveying of essential concerns of Nasir Khusraw in both of historical-social and intellectual-dogmatic sides through detailed study of his works, we can mark out the continuity of a distinct approach towards nature of political relations and especially of the sovereign’s characteristics &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small;&quot;&gt;without &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;which the history of political thought in Iran is not understandable.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">&lt;span style=&quot;font-family: Times New Roman;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;In this paper we will attempt to compare the characteristics of Imam in the Ismaili theosophy, as described by Nasir Khusraw, with properties and traits of Ideal King in ancient Persian wisdom. We emphasizes on essential qualities in the Iranian political thought that throughout a long historical period, from establishment of contents of ancient Persian thinking to today, has had an impact on our political culture. If we can consider correctly the characteristics of Ismaili’s Imam (or Fatimid Caliph), as portrayed by Nasir Khusraw, we would diagnose some fundamental affinities between them and descriptions of the Ideal King in the ancient Iranian political thought. By surveying of essential concerns of Nasir Khusraw in both of historical-social and intellectual-dogmatic sides through detailed study of his works, we can mark out the continuity of a distinct approach towards nature of political relations and especially of the sovereign’s characteristics &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: x-small;&quot;&gt;without &lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span style=&quot;font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: -0.2pt; mso-bidi-font-size: 18.0pt; mso-font-width: 96%;&quot;&gt;which the history of political thought in Iran is not understandable.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/span&gt;</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ismaili Imam</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ideal King</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Divine Resplendence (Farr)</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ancient Persia</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_212_1534b76d325a8f591b52d302e7181331.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
