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<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Islamic city and village councils and decentralization in the Islamic Republic of Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Islamic city and village councils and decentralization in the Islamic Republic of Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>34</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>7</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">369</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Gholamreza</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ebrahimabadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>law &amp;amp;amp; political scienve faculty of tehran university</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyyed Rahim</FirstName>
					<LastName>Abolhasani</LastName>
<Affiliation>law &amp;amp; political science faculty of tehran university</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>30</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Improving governance and its quality is main concern of reforms for achieve development in today&#039;s world. In the meantime decentralization is one of the main ways to improve the quality of governance. In the islamic republic of Iran, and in accordance with the articles of the Constitution, the Islamic city and village councils are the main trustees of decentralization. But investigating the genesis and transformation process of the councils and ultimately legacy left by these councils anticipats its defective institutional cycle towards more centralization, confiscation of powers and transformation of the character of local government, So with any reforms decreased part of the aura of authority that was given to this local governance until finally transform the council into a digestible and inefficient institution in the body of the existing administrative system. This inefficient institutional legacy has led to efforts for the next reforms were just reproduce and reconfigure the same path that the previous rules were determined. As a result, the inefficiency of the councils in decentralization becomes a chronic phenomenon and depending on the predetermined path . This paper with utilizing qualitative method and within the framework of historical institutionalism addresses this main question that why and how did the city and village Islamic councils fail to decentralization ?</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Improving governance and its quality is main concern of reforms for achieve development in today&#039;s world. In the meantime decentralization is one of the main ways to improve the quality of governance. In the islamic republic of Iran, and in accordance with the articles of the Constitution, the Islamic city and village councils are the main trustees of decentralization. But investigating the genesis and transformation process of the councils and ultimately legacy left by these councils anticipats its defective institutional cycle towards more centralization, confiscation of powers and transformation of the character of local government, So with any reforms decreased part of the aura of authority that was given to this local governance until finally transform the council into a digestible and inefficient institution in the body of the existing administrative system. This inefficient institutional legacy has led to efforts for the next reforms were just reproduce and reconfigure the same path that the previous rules were determined. As a result, the inefficiency of the councils in decentralization becomes a chronic phenomenon and depending on the predetermined path . This paper with utilizing qualitative method and within the framework of historical institutionalism addresses this main question that why and how did the city and village Islamic councils fail to decentralization ?</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">decentralization</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic councils of the city and village</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">historical institutionalization</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">local governmant</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_369_0c74b7f78409a4022a2c4c5a5ca3ee19.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Negative Campaigns in Iran&#039;s Presidential Elections,Causes and Context</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Negative Campaigns in Iran&#039;s Presidential Elections,Causes and Context</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>62</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>35</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">367</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Babaei</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sasan</FirstName>
					<LastName>Moradi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Graduated M.A in Political Science, Kharazmi University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali Asghar</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghasemi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Political Science Department,Law and Political Science Faculty, Kharazmi University, Iran, Tehran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>04</Month>
					<Day>02</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The aim of the article is to understand the political, social and legal causes of Mudslinging and the negative struggle in the presidential elections of Iran from the political elite viewpoint. The increase in the amount of negative campaigns in the recent presidential elections is one of the issues facing Iran, which has been less studied. The main question is why the negative struggle in the presidential election debates and propaganda has increased in recent years? Theoretical foundations of research are based on theories of Iranian culture and political psychology, electoral campaigns, and structural-institutional theories. Survey method as well as a semi-structured interview technique applied to collect field data. Using a &quot;network&quot; sampling method to select the statistical community, as we could interviewed with 16 political elites including political science professors and some representatives of the parties. Findings of the research showed that the priority of group interests against national interests, the weakness of civil society and civil behavior, the weakness of political parties, the weakness of the laws and the bias of election observational and executive institutions are among the most important causes of electoral negative competition.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The aim of the article is to understand the political, social and legal causes of Mudslinging and the negative struggle in the presidential elections of Iran from the political elite viewpoint. The increase in the amount of negative campaigns in the recent presidential elections is one of the issues facing Iran, which has been less studied. The main question is why the negative struggle in the presidential election debates and propaganda has increased in recent years? Theoretical foundations of research are based on theories of Iranian culture and political psychology, electoral campaigns, and structural-institutional theories. Survey method as well as a semi-structured interview technique applied to collect field data. Using a &quot;network&quot; sampling method to select the statistical community, as we could interviewed with 16 political elites including political science professors and some representatives of the parties. Findings of the research showed that the priority of group interests against national interests, the weakness of civil society and civil behavior, the weakness of political parties, the weakness of the laws and the bias of election observational and executive institutions are among the most important causes of electoral negative competition.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Elections</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Negative struggle</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mudslinging</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">presidential</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political elite</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_367_05049e90fa4f5039a8cadc6acbb4b2cc.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Evaluating Barriers to participation for Female Political Elites in Political and Administrative Decision Making (Case Study: Female Members of Parliament)</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Evaluating Barriers to participation for Female Political Elites in Political and Administrative Decision Making (Case Study: Female Members of Parliament)</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>94</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>63</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">370</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Haydari</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and Islamic Revolution Studies ,School of Humanities ,Shahed University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abbas</FirstName>
					<LastName>Keshavarz Shokri</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and Islamic Revolution Studies, School of Humanities 
,Shahed University,Tehran &amp;ndash; Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-7686-6578</Identifier>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahed</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghaffari Hashjin</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and Islamic Revolution Studies, School of Humanities 
,Shahed University,Tehran &amp;ndash; Iran</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ail</FirstName>
					<LastName>Morshedizad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Department of Political Science and Islamic Revolution Studies, School of Humanities 
,Shahed University,Tehran &amp;ndash; Iran</Affiliation>
<Identifier Source="ORCID">0000-0002-1915-235X</Identifier>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>05</Month>
					<Day>12</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>One of the main indicators of sustainable development is the political participation of women in the process of political and administrative decision making. any country must try to alleviate the barriers for the participation of women. The current study aims to answer the general question of ‘what are the barriers for women to play their roles in political and administrative decision making processes?’ The sample of the study includes 20 female members of parliament from ten rounds of Islamic Consultative Assembly. The methodology of the study is based on the quantitative and qualitative content analysis technique and the semi-structured interviews technique in collecting data and the content of the interviews. The data were analyzed in Excel and using Microsoft Visio in the form of various charts and models. Based on the findings of the study, the role-based barriers for women for participating in political and administrative decision making processes involve various structural and cultural factors. The main reason for women not supporting each other included ethical factors (self-confidence, stinginess, and so on. With regards to supportive measures, intellectual, cultural, structural, and legal factors were among the ones most mentioned. The most important action in this regard is the removal of gender perspective. The criterion of meritocracy showed the highest frequency among the conditions required for playing the role. The researcher summed up 4 main categories, 20 first subcategories and 58 second sub categories and 403 semantic expressions and is plotted and analyzed as graphs.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">One of the main indicators of sustainable development is the political participation of women in the process of political and administrative decision making. any country must try to alleviate the barriers for the participation of women. The current study aims to answer the general question of ‘what are the barriers for women to play their roles in political and administrative decision making processes?’ The sample of the study includes 20 female members of parliament from ten rounds of Islamic Consultative Assembly. The methodology of the study is based on the quantitative and qualitative content analysis technique and the semi-structured interviews technique in collecting data and the content of the interviews. The data were analyzed in Excel and using Microsoft Visio in the form of various charts and models. Based on the findings of the study, the role-based barriers for women for participating in political and administrative decision making processes involve various structural and cultural factors. The main reason for women not supporting each other included ethical factors (self-confidence, stinginess, and so on. With regards to supportive measures, intellectual, cultural, structural, and legal factors were among the ones most mentioned. The most important action in this regard is the removal of gender perspective. The criterion of meritocracy showed the highest frequency among the conditions required for playing the role. The researcher summed up 4 main categories, 20 first subcategories and 58 second sub categories and 403 semantic expressions and is plotted and analyzed as graphs.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">female members of parliament</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">political decision making</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Islamic Consultative Assembly</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_370_d709f38ef758b5066ef31b18039b8ce5.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>The Challenges of the Oppositionalism of the Social Science Societies in Iran and its Impact on Political Development</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>The Challenges of the Oppositionalism of the Social Science Societies in Iran and its Impact on Political Development</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>124</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>95</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">364</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mehrdad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khoram Nasr</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mojtaba</FirstName>
					<LastName>Maghsoodi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>15</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Scientific associations of social sciences, as independent, self-governing, civil society organizations, grew exponentially over the last two decades. According to the statistics, up to 400 scientific associations can be counted.&lt;br /&gt; While the expansion of civil society is regarded as an indicator of the political development process, in the Iranian society , the expansion of scientific associations, especially social science associations, faces the challenge of &quot;oppositionism&quot; and &quot;oppositionalism&quot;, and despite the position of scientific authority of scientific associations, government chooses The policy of &quot;neglect&quot; and &quot;lack of recognition&quot; towards them.&lt;br /&gt;  This research, by choosing three Iranian scientific associations include Political Science Association, Iran&#039;s sociology Association and Iranian Peace Studies scientific associations , and it uses the qualitative method through an interview with activists of associations and using bibliographic methods .&lt;br /&gt; The most important finding of the study is to show the gap between an ideal model and the actual model of the interactions of associative institutions in the state, and misunderstanding of the state about the critical function of the social sciences associations.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Scientific associations of social sciences, as independent, self-governing, civil society organizations, grew exponentially over the last two decades. According to the statistics, up to 400 scientific associations can be counted.&lt;br /&gt; While the expansion of civil society is regarded as an indicator of the political development process, in the Iranian society , the expansion of scientific associations, especially social science associations, faces the challenge of &quot;oppositionism&quot; and &quot;oppositionalism&quot;, and despite the position of scientific authority of scientific associations, government chooses The policy of &quot;neglect&quot; and &quot;lack of recognition&quot; towards them.&lt;br /&gt;  This research, by choosing three Iranian scientific associations include Political Science Association, Iran&#039;s sociology Association and Iranian Peace Studies scientific associations , and it uses the qualitative method through an interview with activists of associations and using bibliographic methods .&lt;br /&gt; The most important finding of the study is to show the gap between an ideal model and the actual model of the interactions of associative institutions in the state, and misunderstanding of the state about the critical function of the social sciences associations.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Scientific associatons</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">social sciences</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">oppositionalism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">critical knowledge</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Development</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_364_bac9162b47c56fc8a4d2a519803d51b3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Study of the factors of the formation and recognition of the political thought of Kartir on the strength of historical and archaeological evidence</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Study of the factors of the formation and recognition of the political thought of Kartir on the strength of historical and archaeological evidence</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>162</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>125</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">368</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zeynab</FirstName>
					<LastName>Khosravi</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Behrooz</FirstName>
					<LastName>Afkami</LastName>
<Affiliation>Assistant Professor, Department of Archeology, University of Mohaghegh Ardabili</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>01</Month>
					<Day>01</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>the outcome of political thought of Kartir is the unity and integrity of the political geography of Iran, the protection and preservation of the geopolitical position of the country, religious and political thought was made propaganda ystematically throughout the Sassanid Empire of Iran. In this study, information was collected of historical, archaeological and political sources and analyzed using a descriptive-analytical method based on Gramsci and Gutman&#039;s theory. And was tried to answer questions like: What factors created the ground for Carter&#039;s political thought to be published? What symbols did Kartir use to disseminate his political thought? And what social class or court group provide political thought of Kartir the interests. The results show that from the beginning of the founding of the Sassanid Empire the theoreticizing of the ideology for the political system was argued that Ardeshir I provided an epistemological ideology with epic themes and Shapur I with tolerant political thought; But with the domination of the aristocracy, they are used to legitimize in political geography of Iran and the formation of a national identity in international relations, based on the teachings of Zoroastrian, nationalism and folk stories, and the practice of marriage with conscience To form the area of influence and to determine their territory and borders, they set up the symbol of fire in different regions, and Carter was the organizer of this ideology, the aristocrats, many of whom were priests, were the real dealers of the country until The period of Ghobad and Khosravanushirovan .</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">the outcome of political thought of Kartir is the unity and integrity of the political geography of Iran, the protection and preservation of the geopolitical position of the country, religious and political thought was made propaganda ystematically throughout the Sassanid Empire of Iran. In this study, information was collected of historical, archaeological and political sources and analyzed using a descriptive-analytical method based on Gramsci and Gutman&#039;s theory. And was tried to answer questions like: What factors created the ground for Carter&#039;s political thought to be published? What symbols did Kartir use to disseminate his political thought? And what social class or court group provide political thought of Kartir the interests. The results show that from the beginning of the founding of the Sassanid Empire the theoreticizing of the ideology for the political system was argued that Ardeshir I provided an epistemological ideology with epic themes and Shapur I with tolerant political thought; But with the domination of the aristocracy, they are used to legitimize in political geography of Iran and the formation of a national identity in international relations, based on the teachings of Zoroastrian, nationalism and folk stories, and the practice of marriage with conscience To form the area of influence and to determine their territory and borders, they set up the symbol of fire in different regions, and Carter was the organizer of this ideology, the aristocrats, many of whom were priests, were the real dealers of the country until The period of Ghobad and Khosravanushirovan .</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Kartir</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Thought</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Hegemony</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Symbolism</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Aristocracy</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_368_cf004fdc76fa1a4f25f62e0eb5261ca3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Political issues and differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia and ways to improve relations</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Political issues and differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia and ways to improve relations</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>191</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>163</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">365</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hossein</FirstName>
					<LastName>Alaei</LastName>
<Affiliation></Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>29</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The purpose of this study is to investigate political issues and significant differences in relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and assess common interests as well as provide solutions for political reconciliation and the improved relations between the two countries.&lt;br /&gt; The research hypothesis is that the formation of divisions between the two countries is rooted in &quot;political issues&quot; and &quot;American politics&quot; in the region, resolving them and achieving better relations is a function of solving political issues and how the two countries are interacting with the United States.&lt;br /&gt; The method of this research is descriptive-explanatory and analytical, and data collection is done using the library and internet search method and the study of documents and texts.&lt;br /&gt; In conclusion, by outlining a vision of future relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the context and ways to overcome political obstacles and how to achieve bilateral relations are examined. The findings of this study indicate that the strategy of improving relations between the two countries based on “common and mutual interest” rather than insisting on differences and pursuing a &quot;security agreement&quot; or a collective in the Persian Gulf and &quot;establishing political relations&quot; between the two countries the &quot;comprehensive and inclusive negotiation&quot; approach.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The purpose of this study is to investigate political issues and significant differences in relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and assess common interests as well as provide solutions for political reconciliation and the improved relations between the two countries.&lt;br /&gt; The research hypothesis is that the formation of divisions between the two countries is rooted in &quot;political issues&quot; and &quot;American politics&quot; in the region, resolving them and achieving better relations is a function of solving political issues and how the two countries are interacting with the United States.&lt;br /&gt; The method of this research is descriptive-explanatory and analytical, and data collection is done using the library and internet search method and the study of documents and texts.&lt;br /&gt; In conclusion, by outlining a vision of future relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, the context and ways to overcome political obstacles and how to achieve bilateral relations are examined. The findings of this study indicate that the strategy of improving relations between the two countries based on “common and mutual interest” rather than insisting on differences and pursuing a &quot;security agreement&quot; or a collective in the Persian Gulf and &quot;establishing political relations&quot; between the two countries the &quot;comprehensive and inclusive negotiation&quot; approach.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">“Bilateral Political Relations”</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">“the Islamic Republic of Iran”</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">“the Persian Gulf”</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">“Saudi Kingdom”</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">“West Asia”</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_365_9be40cee5b0eee1462c82c6964087ff9.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Iranian Political Science Association</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Research Letter of Political Science</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735790X</Issn>
				<Volume>14</Volume>
				<Issue>1</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Transition from Modernization to Democratization, the political development in India and its lessons for Iran</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Transition from Modernization to Democratization, the political development in India and its lessons for Iran</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>220</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>193</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">366</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Seyed Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mohammadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Faculty member and Chairperson</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>26</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>When India came to democracy it was considered to be essentially a backward and traditional society. The post-independence conditions of India and the process of its political development shows that the assumptions of the modernization school of thought are neither useful nor correct for describing the development process in India, Although the growth of democracy in countries such as South Korea can confirm the views of political modernization. Based on objective facts, democracy in India was instrumental in creating modernization and structural changes in various political, social and cultural arenas. According to Democratization theorists, democracy is more than the title of a particular state, as proposed by the theorists of the modernization thinkers, a dynamic and continuous process that leads to the operationalization of the concept of the universal participation. The beneficial economic, cultural and social institutions are the fruits of democratic political institutions that externally prioritize other institutions. In present study, our fundamental concern is to understand the reason of sustainability of democracy in India and the lessons which it might have for Iran. The research hypothesis is based on the belief that the particular process of democratization in India is the reason of this durability. The study is attempting by describing the processes of democracy at the speculative level as well as the real life, demonstrate the reasonableness of the hypothesis of research and the lessons that it may have for the political development in Iran.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">When India came to democracy it was considered to be essentially a backward and traditional society. The post-independence conditions of India and the process of its political development shows that the assumptions of the modernization school of thought are neither useful nor correct for describing the development process in India, Although the growth of democracy in countries such as South Korea can confirm the views of political modernization. Based on objective facts, democracy in India was instrumental in creating modernization and structural changes in various political, social and cultural arenas. According to Democratization theorists, democracy is more than the title of a particular state, as proposed by the theorists of the modernization thinkers, a dynamic and continuous process that leads to the operationalization of the concept of the universal participation. The beneficial economic, cultural and social institutions are the fruits of democratic political institutions that externally prioritize other institutions. In present study, our fundamental concern is to understand the reason of sustainability of democracy in India and the lessons which it might have for Iran. The research hypothesis is based on the belief that the particular process of democratization in India is the reason of this durability. The study is attempting by describing the processes of democracy at the speculative level as well as the real life, demonstrate the reasonableness of the hypothesis of research and the lessons that it may have for the political development in Iran.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Modernization"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Political Development"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Democratization"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"India"</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">"Iran"</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_366_5ef698cd9fe650923ea331c15af3b160.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>
</ArticleSet>
