Iranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522Cholera and medicalization: The two factors leading to a modern interventionist state in the In the Qajar eraCholera and medicalization: The two factors leading to a modern interventionist state in the In the Qajar era74243010.22034/ipsa.2021.430FAMostafaEnsafiPh.D Student of Political Science University of Allameh Tabataba&#039;iShojaAhmadvandChair, Department of Politics Associate Professor of Political Science Allameh Tabataba'i UniversityJournal Article20210207From the Sassanid period to the mid-Qajar period, a form of state in Iran emerged that not only did not hold itself accountable towards the people, but also demanded the citizens to obey the state under any condition as this earthly state was connected to the heavenly kingdom. This article aims at investigating the moment of dissociation from this state form, a dividing moment prior to which the state was considered a pre-modern state, and after which emerged the modern state in Iran. Intervention in the life and death of nationals, either in public or private spheres, is a prominent component of this state. Findings of the article suggest that the beginning of the emergence of modern state dates back to the seizures carried out by the state in the mid-Qajar period, and during the period of fatal cholera’s prevalence. Establishment of Dar ul-Funun University and focus on modern medicine and surgery disciplines, foundation of the first modern hospital in this period, formation of the Pasteur Institute for vaccine production, emphasis on water hygiene as the major cause of cholera were among the non-mythical acts by which the state interfered with the life and death of its citizens. In general, this study concludes that medicalization of Iranian society, and consequently state interference with the dignity of life and health of citizens were paradigms that triggered the impetus for certain movements in the state, and provided the factors required for transition from pre-modern to modern condition.From the Sassanid period to the mid-Qajar period, a form of state in Iran emerged that not only did not hold itself accountable towards the people, but also demanded the citizens to obey the state under any condition as this earthly state was connected to the heavenly kingdom. This article aims at investigating the moment of dissociation from this state form, a dividing moment prior to which the state was considered a pre-modern state, and after which emerged the modern state in Iran. Intervention in the life and death of nationals, either in public or private spheres, is a prominent component of this state. Findings of the article suggest that the beginning of the emergence of modern state dates back to the seizures carried out by the state in the mid-Qajar period, and during the period of fatal cholera’s prevalence. Establishment of Dar ul-Funun University and focus on modern medicine and surgery disciplines, foundation of the first modern hospital in this period, formation of the Pasteur Institute for vaccine production, emphasis on water hygiene as the major cause of cholera were among the non-mythical acts by which the state interfered with the life and death of its citizens. In general, this study concludes that medicalization of Iranian society, and consequently state interference with the dignity of life and health of citizens were paradigms that triggered the impetus for certain movements in the state, and provided the factors required for transition from pre-modern to modern condition.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_430_f74909ace68e51891440e4da0b65a70c.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522The most important components and indicators of Iranian political culture in the age of social networks from the perspective of academic elitesThe most important components and indicators of Iranian political culture in the age of social networks from the perspective of academic elites437243210.22034/ipsa.2021.432FAJournal Article20210306Political culture as a part of public culture that considers the relationship between society and power has a great impact on the political development of countries. This concept has been considered by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers and researchers in various researches and its components and indicators have been enumerated.But the emergence of social networks that have influenced social interactions as a building block of culture cannot be considered ineffective in political culture; Assuming this, the present study in response to the question that the formation of social networks with interactive, participatory and public capacities has caused the emergence or prominence of what components and indicators in the Iranian political culture? Delphi method has used the opinions of academic elites.<br /> Findings show that although some historical components of Iranian political culture such as intellectual absolutism, distrust, xenophobia, extrajudicial behavior, self-control, extremism and the predominance of religious values with other literature in Iranian political culture have existed in the past, but the critical component of the political system with characteristics such as criticism. Among the leading political figures in power, the publication of clips of anti-government political activists and the critique of government policies due to the emergence of virtual social networks in the Iranian political culture has emerged.Political culture as a part of public culture that considers the relationship between society and power has a great impact on the political development of countries. This concept has been considered by Iranian and non-Iranian thinkers and researchers in various researches and its components and indicators have been enumerated.But the emergence of social networks that have influenced social interactions as a building block of culture cannot be considered ineffective in political culture; Assuming this, the present study in response to the question that the formation of social networks with interactive, participatory and public capacities has caused the emergence or prominence of what components and indicators in the Iranian political culture? Delphi method has used the opinions of academic elites.<br /> Findings show that although some historical components of Iranian political culture such as intellectual absolutism, distrust, xenophobia, extrajudicial behavior, self-control, extremism and the predominance of religious values with other literature in Iranian political culture have existed in the past, but the critical component of the political system with characteristics such as criticism. Among the leading political figures in power, the publication of clips of anti-government political activists and the critique of government policies due to the emergence of virtual social networks in the Iranian political culture has emerged.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_432_248e844336797ec98478f85e7626de4a.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522analysis of the positions and the process of mobilizing the resources of the Constitutional Party of Iran and the Fadaiyan Khalq Majority- Branch Organizationanalysis of the positions and the process of mobilizing the resources of the Constitutional Party of Iran and the Fadaiyan Khalq Majority- Branch Organization7310942910.22034/ipsa.2021.429FAMaiheSalemshahed univarersity / Tehran/ IranAbbasKeshavarz ShokriAssociate Professor/Shahed University0000-0002-7686-6578ZahedGhafari HashginAssociate Professor of Political Science, Shahed University0000-0003-0038-2283Journal Article20201229The main question of this article is: what are the positions and the process of mobilizing the resources of the Constitutional Party of Iran and the Fadaiyan Khalq Majority- Branch Organizatio. The theoretical framework of the present article is based on Charles Tilly's theory of political mobilization, in which, based on the variables of collective action, organization, interests, resource mobilization, opportunity / threat and repression / facilitation, the resource mobilization process of these two groups is comparatively examined and their differences and similarities explained. Findings of the research, using a qualitative method of documentary analysis as well as a comparative method, indicate that the positions and the process of political mobilization of the two groups have major differences so that the possibility of any alliance and close cooperation is ruled out due to fundamental differences between them; However, both of them agree on the position of overthrowing the Islamic Republic and replacing it with their own political system.The main question of this article is: what are the positions and the process of mobilizing the resources of the Constitutional Party of Iran and the Fadaiyan Khalq Majority- Branch Organizatio. The theoretical framework of the present article is based on Charles Tilly's theory of political mobilization, in which, based on the variables of collective action, organization, interests, resource mobilization, opportunity / threat and repression / facilitation, the resource mobilization process of these two groups is comparatively examined and their differences and similarities explained. Findings of the research, using a qualitative method of documentary analysis as well as a comparative method, indicate that the positions and the process of political mobilization of the two groups have major differences so that the possibility of any alliance and close cooperation is ruled out due to fundamental differences between them; However, both of them agree on the position of overthrowing the Islamic Republic and replacing it with their own political system.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_429_75fc093c0ee742f6dddaa13fff98f104.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522The Discourse of the Neo-Reformists and Rhizomatic Bio-Movements:
(2013-2019)The Discourse of the Neo-Reformists and Rhizomatic Bio-Movements:
(2013-2019)11113843110.22034/ipsa.2021.431FAMahsimaSohrabiDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Economic and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranMohammadrezaTajikDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Economic and Political Sciences, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranMansoorMirahmadi ChenarooiehDepartment of Political Science, Faculty of Economic and Political Sciences, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, IranJournal Article20210108In the course of formation of Neo-Reformist Discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), Iran’s society has been witnessed numerous social movements in protest of excruciating socio-economic situation in Iran which have been labeled as “Bio-movements” or “Reincarnating Movements” by virtue of their repeatable nature. In fact, these movements have been evaluated as unpredictable, uncontrollable movements due to their lack of central part and rapid revival by external events. These movements in pluralist societies have been taken into consideration by the aggressive forces due to their canalization in accordance with their goals. Consequently, the current survey has embarked on its concentration on the malfunction of the discourse of Neo-Reformists and its ambivalent repercussions on the function of the discourse of national security within the theoretical frame work of Gilles Deleuze’s “body without organs” and the method of discourse analysis by Laclau and Mouffe. The results of this article proved that the discourse of national security has been caricaturized by the Neo-reformist’s discourse mainly due to its imprecise and inaccurate recognition of the nature of these movements which should be seen as the “need blocs” rather than “Democratic Blocs”.In the course of formation of Neo-Reformist Discourse in the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI), Iran’s society has been witnessed numerous social movements in protest of excruciating socio-economic situation in Iran which have been labeled as “Bio-movements” or “Reincarnating Movements” by virtue of their repeatable nature. In fact, these movements have been evaluated as unpredictable, uncontrollable movements due to their lack of central part and rapid revival by external events. These movements in pluralist societies have been taken into consideration by the aggressive forces due to their canalization in accordance with their goals. Consequently, the current survey has embarked on its concentration on the malfunction of the discourse of Neo-Reformists and its ambivalent repercussions on the function of the discourse of national security within the theoretical frame work of Gilles Deleuze’s “body without organs” and the method of discourse analysis by Laclau and Mouffe. The results of this article proved that the discourse of national security has been caricaturized by the Neo-reformist’s discourse mainly due to its imprecise and inaccurate recognition of the nature of these movements which should be seen as the “need blocs” rather than “Democratic Blocs”.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_431_66368270ffd51418ec58bd793f2d9b1b.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522Sport Policy Making in the Legislative System of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1980-2001)Sport Policy Making in the Legislative System of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1980-2001)13917343310.22034/ipsa.2021.4272.3764FAFariborzZarifiPhD Student of Sport Management, Razi University, Kermanshah.0000-0003-3698-0365Ali AshrafKhazaeiAssistant Professor of Sport Management, Razi University, KermanshahBahramYousefiAssociate Professor of Sport Management, Razi University, KermanshahZohrehHassaniAssistant Professor of Sports Management, Faculty of Sports Sciences, Razi University, Kermanshah, IranJournal Article20210215The purpose of this study is to policy sports in the Iranian legislative system in the first and second decades of the Islamic Revolution. The research method is qualitative at the descriptive-analytical level and the data have been collected using secondary library-documentary sources. The results showed that in the first to fifth terms of Islamic Consultative Assembly, the number of sport bills converted into law was "6 cases" that had a significant advantage over the number of sport plans that were "2 cases". The subject area of sports laws is related to: reforming the structure and statutes of sports organizations, sports participation at the championship level, cultural-educational-research cooperation at the international level, financing and privatization in sports, and based on the Almond et al (2008) and policy division, the focus of the proposed sports plans and bills is related to the regulatory, distributive and symbolic domains, respectively, and the extracted domain, which is for revenue and extraction of resources, does not include items, and in the final part of the research two examples of speeches of the representatives of the third and fifth term of Islamic Consultative Assembly in relation with the bill on the establishment of sports clubs by the people under government supervision and the plan to reform the goals and structure of the Physical Education Organization from the perspective of Fairclough critical discourse analysis at three levels: description, interpretation and explanation have been studied and through this, the link between the text and society was representedThe purpose of this study is to policy sports in the Iranian legislative system in the first and second decades of the Islamic Revolution. The research method is qualitative at the descriptive-analytical level and the data have been collected using secondary library-documentary sources. The results showed that in the first to fifth terms of Islamic Consultative Assembly, the number of sport bills converted into law was "6 cases" that had a significant advantage over the number of sport plans that were "2 cases". The subject area of sports laws is related to: reforming the structure and statutes of sports organizations, sports participation at the championship level, cultural-educational-research cooperation at the international level, financing and privatization in sports, and based on the Almond et al (2008) and policy division, the focus of the proposed sports plans and bills is related to the regulatory, distributive and symbolic domains, respectively, and the extracted domain, which is for revenue and extraction of resources, does not include items, and in the final part of the research two examples of speeches of the representatives of the third and fifth term of Islamic Consultative Assembly in relation with the bill on the establishment of sports clubs by the people under government supervision and the plan to reform the goals and structure of the Physical Education Organization from the perspective of Fairclough critical discourse analysis at three levels: description, interpretation and explanation have been studied and through this, the link between the text and society was representedhttp://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_433_019d385eb67632a7e958e23f24bd07d7.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522The COVID-19 Crisis, Alteration or Continuity of governance patterns in the Government of the Islamic Republic of IranThe COVID-19 Crisis, Alteration or Continuity of governance patterns in the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran17522042710.22034/ipsa.2021.427FAAliGhadiri NoferestPh.D Student of Political Science, Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, IranVahidSinaeeAssociate Professor
Ferdowsi University of MashhadJournal Article20210109The persistence of the corona virus and the impossibility of the prospect of ending it have turned a medical issue into a social one. The "corona crisis", like events such as war, revolution, or infectious diseases, can be seen as a driver of national policy change. How states deal with the Corona crisis and speculation about its impact on governments is now the subject of widespread debate. But has the Corona crisis led to a change in the governing patterns of the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Answer this question; Using Diamond Chaos Theory and the method of thik description and with the focus on some news data, information and published statistics, has been done. According to the twelve components of chaos theory, changes in the methods of state in Iran due to coordination and relative adaptation to the "eceptional situation" are on the agenda, which can be asked by accurately describing the historical, social and political conditions. Continuation or change of governance patterns in Iran, affected by the Corona crisis. It seems that the formation of the state in the Islamic Republic has been formulated in such a way that the Corona crisis can not change its governance patterns, and despite some occasional changes due to the special circumstances of Corona, governance patterns in the Islamic Republic of Iran have continued.The persistence of the corona virus and the impossibility of the prospect of ending it have turned a medical issue into a social one. The "corona crisis", like events such as war, revolution, or infectious diseases, can be seen as a driver of national policy change. How states deal with the Corona crisis and speculation about its impact on governments is now the subject of widespread debate. But has the Corona crisis led to a change in the governing patterns of the state of the Islamic Republic of Iran? Answer this question; Using Diamond Chaos Theory and the method of thik description and with the focus on some news data, information and published statistics, has been done. According to the twelve components of chaos theory, changes in the methods of state in Iran due to coordination and relative adaptation to the "eceptional situation" are on the agenda, which can be asked by accurately describing the historical, social and political conditions. Continuation or change of governance patterns in Iran, affected by the Corona crisis. It seems that the formation of the state in the Islamic Republic has been formulated in such a way that the Corona crisis can not change its governance patterns, and despite some occasional changes due to the special circumstances of Corona, governance patterns in the Islamic Republic of Iran have continued.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_427_18997733ec258a9fcaf239cc55d53363.pdfIranian Political Science AssociationResearch Letter of Political Science1735790X16220210522Soft power is the main focus of strategic narrative in the power of diplomacy
(Review of three narratives about Iran)Soft power is the main focus of strategic narrative in the power of diplomacy
(Review of three narratives about Iran)22125942810.22034/ipsa.2021.428FAZahraNejadbahramPh.D. Student in CommunicationNazaninMalekianAssistant Professor Islamic Azad University, East Tehran Branch0000-0001-7957-2674SarvenazTorbatiAssistant Professor Islamic Azad University, East Tehran BranchJournal Article20201129Today, soft power has become one of the pillars of foreign policy of governments. Increasing access to digital media has increased countries' capacity to harness soft power. In the field of digital media, Twitter has been welcomed by a wide range of politicians and has found a special place in the political equation; As many as 97% of the UN member states are members of this global network. In the meantime, following the narrations on Twitter or creating them in this environment is a platform that can change the function of the narrations; Therefore, the reaction of narrators on Twitter can be a criterion for the effectiveness of political narratives and its effect on soft power. The main question of the present study is what effect do political narratives have on the power of diplomacy? And how has Twitter contributed to the reflection of these narratives? The method used in this article is content analysis of three selected narratives based on maxqoda software on Twitter. Narrated by Nicki Haley, US Representative to the United Nations in 2017, Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif in 2019, and Benjamin Netanyahu in 2018, then Prime Minister of Israel. It should be noted that the tweets are in English and the pages of Iranian politicians are also in English.<br /> The result of this study confirms that these narratives are based on the structure of generalization, environment and its results in the audience; It has had different effects on the soft power of diplomacy.Today, soft power has become one of the pillars of foreign policy of governments. Increasing access to digital media has increased countries' capacity to harness soft power. In the field of digital media, Twitter has been welcomed by a wide range of politicians and has found a special place in the political equation; As many as 97% of the UN member states are members of this global network. In the meantime, following the narrations on Twitter or creating them in this environment is a platform that can change the function of the narrations; Therefore, the reaction of narrators on Twitter can be a criterion for the effectiveness of political narratives and its effect on soft power. The main question of the present study is what effect do political narratives have on the power of diplomacy? And how has Twitter contributed to the reflection of these narratives? The method used in this article is content analysis of three selected narratives based on maxqoda software on Twitter. Narrated by Nicki Haley, US Representative to the United Nations in 2017, Iranian Foreign Minister Javad Zarif in 2019, and Benjamin Netanyahu in 2018, then Prime Minister of Israel. It should be noted that the tweets are in English and the pages of Iranian politicians are also in English.<br /> The result of this study confirms that these narratives are based on the structure of generalization, environment and its results in the audience; It has had different effects on the soft power of diplomacy.http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_428_8d7d8ee069cb0cbbf816bbb65d56947e.pdf