http://www.ipsajournal.ir/ Research Letter of Political Science en daily 1 Tue, 27 Jan 2026 00:00:00 +0330 Tue, 27 Jan 2026 00:00:00 +0330 http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_556.html Administrative and economic corruption in Iran has acquired a structural and multi-layered nature, the roots of which extend beyond mere weaknesses in laws and formal institutions. This study, using a qualitative approach and thematic analysis, examines the role of informal barriers—particularly "culture of corruption" and "networks of influence"—in the failure of anti-corruption policies. Data were collected through 18 semi-structured interviews with experts and analysis of official documents. The findings reveal that the "culture of corruption," by normalizing violations, weakening legal norms, and prioritizing personal relations over formal regulations, provides fertile ground for the reproduction of corruption. Meanwhile, "networks of influence," by leveraging political and economic ties, circumvent formal oversight and create institutional immunity for their members. The interaction between these two factors forms a self-reinforcing cycle of corruption, in which public culture legitimizes corrupt behavior and power networks consolidate it. Relying on the framework of New Institutionalism and focusing on the distinction between formal and informal institutions, this research seeks to answer the question: How does the interaction between the culture of corruption and networks of influence lead to the reproduction of institutional corruption in Iran? The results indicate that effectively combating corruption requires moving beyond purely legal approaches and simultaneously addressing institutional, cultural, and structural reforms. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_548.html This article investigates the intertwined and complex relationship between political markets and the long-term sustainability of economic growth. Historically, many scholars believed that economic development had little to do with political arrangements. However, contemporary development studies increasingly emphasize the dominance of politics in shaping the rules of the game, drawing significant scholarly attention to political dynamics and their consequences for long-term economic growth. In this context, the present study prioritizes the primacy of politics in economic development and poses the following central question: Despite Iran's initial steps toward development in the 1960s, why did its economic development plans ultimately fail during the Pahlavi era? The hypothesis, grounded in the new institutional economics literature, posits that high political transaction costs during the late years of Mohammad Reza Shah’s rule undermined the long-term success of development plans. We argue that in contrast to the 1960s, the political markets of the 1970s hindered cooperation between state officials and the private sector. Through partial implementation of agreements, asymmetric information, and transformations in mental models, they disrupted the continuity of economic growth. The research methodology is process tracing, and data is collected using documentary methods based on library resources. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_554.html Iranians became familiar with modern concepts from the beginning of the Iranians' visits to the Western world. Among them, the three concepts of "state", "law" and "constitution" have been of great importance in the intellectual system of the intellectuals of the Qajar era. The objectification of the mental form of the "orderly" structures of the political-legal order has later found its place in the Iranian constitutional movement. Taghizadeh is among the intellectuals who are the pioneers of this emerging field of Iranian modernism. In the present study, we will answer the question of what aspects the rule of law and the constitution have in the thought of Seyyed Hassan Taghizadeh? In this regard, we have used primary sources such as the collection of books "Taghizadeh's Essays" (especially volumes eight to ten of this collection, which include Taghizadeh's speeches in the first to fifteenth periods of the National Consultative Assembly in his role as a member of the parliament, Minister of Roads and Streets, Minister of Finance, and also the President of the Senate). The results of this study show that Taghizadeh's perception of concepts such as law and constitution was not uniform throughout his political life. In the present study, we have used the framework of Quentin Skinner's coherence theory, benefiting from the opinions of Taghizadeh's commentators, and in terms of methodology, we have used a qualitative and descriptive-analytical method using library and Internet tools. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_551.html Using the theoretical framework of Laclau and Mouffe, this study analyzes the deconstruction of reformist discursive signifiers in Iranian fundamentalist media since 2009. The main goal is to discover the fundamentalists' discursive mechanisms for delegitimizing their rivals and establishing their hegemony.Using the post-structuralist discourse analysis method, 26 articles from conservative media outlets (such as Kayhan, Tasnim, Fars) were selected through purposive sampling with maximum diversity and intensity. The data were analyzed until theoretical saturation was reached, focusing on concepts such as central signifier, floating signifier, antithesis, and political mythmaking.The fundamentalists have engaged in the dismantling of the reformist discourse with six key mechanisms: hypocrisy: instrumental use of concepts such as women's rights without structural links; soft subversion: portraying reformists as perpetrators of the Velvet Revolution after 2009; betrayal of the political system: accusations of collaboration with foreign institutions; hidden secularism:Reduction of reformist discourse to American Islam; Aristocracy: Reliance on the bourgeoisie and neglect of the disadvantaged; Discursive anemia: Paradigmatic instability and lack of a coherent manifesto. The distinction of this research is in its focus on the media representation of the rival discourse, unlike previous studies that have only dealt with the direct confrontation of discourses.This approach reveals the pivotal role of the media in the hegemonic struggle after the 2009 crisis. By consolidating the central signifier of “velayat-e-faqih” and linking the floating signifiers of the reformists to concepts such as Westernization, the fundamentalists have not only delegitimized their rivals but also strengthened the hegemony of their discourse. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_558.html Political well-being refers to an individual’s trust, adaptability, political efficacy, active participation, and cognitive flexibility in political matters, and plays a critical role in influencing political behaviors, including tendencies toward political aggression. The present study aimed to develop and validate the Political Well-Being Scale (PWBS) and to examine its relationship with political aggression. This applied-developmental research employed a descriptive–psychometric design. The statistical population consisted of university students in Iran who were active on social and media networks during the 2024–2025 academic year. Using an online call and convenience sampling, 720 participants were selected. The research procedure included item generation, assessment of content and face validity, exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses, criterion-related (convergent and divergent) validity, and reliability evaluation. Data were analyzed using SPSS-24 and AMOS-24 software. Exploratory factor analysis confirmed a 17-item scale with three components—Political Trust, Political Efficacy and Participation, and Political Flexibility and Tolerance—accounting for 69.72% of the total variance. Confirmatory factor analysis indicated good model fit (χ²/df=1.21, RMSEA<.08). The composite, internal consistency, and test–retest reliabilities of the total scale were .93, .93, and .74, respectively. Significant correlations of political well-being with general health and political aggression supported the scale’s convergent and divergent validity. Overall, the Political Well-Being Scale demonstrated satisfactory psychometric properties and provides a reliable measure for assessing political well-being. Findings suggest that political well-being plays a significant role in political aggressive behaviors and merits further investigation in future research. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_549.html This research posits that Iran's fourth wave of democratization, during the Principalist era, faltered and reverted to authoritarianism, continuing a historical pattern. Framed by a critical rationality approach, the study's central question is: "Why did this fourth wave halt during its transition phase and revert?"Employing Actor-Centered Theories of Transition, a theoretical framework was constructed and hypotheses were deduced. These were then evaluated against empirical evidence within its historical context. The methodology is comparative historical, using the Reformist and Principalist eras as cases. These were interpreted through narrative analysis and causally explained via conjuncture analysis, which requires at least two cases. Data collection was documentary and library-based.Causal analysis identifies two conjunctural factors for reversion: the condition of elites and the existence of a crisis. Democratization halted under ideologically cohesive elites and reverted due to a lack of an institutionalized party system and low democratic legitimacy. While these findings confirm the hypotheses from the theoretical framework, they also reveal that the role of the crisis contradicted the framework's initial expectations. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_555.html This study investigates the relationship between budget deficits and inflation in Iran, emphasizing inflation as a hidden instrument of government financing. Budget deficits in Iran are not episodic but structural, persisting across both boom and recession, with significant implications for macroeconomic stability and social justice.The research pursues three objectives: first, to provide a theoretical explanation of the deficit–inflation nexus; second, to conduct an empirical analysis of historical budgetary and inflationary trends, particularly during periods of declining oil revenues and international sanctions; and third, to assess the social and distributive consequences of this mechanism.Employing a qualitative–analytical methodology, the findings reveal that Iranian budget deficits have frequently been financed through borrowing from the Central Bank and monetary expansion. This approach has fueled liquidity growth and entrenched chronic inflation. Historical evidence from the 1980s to the 2010s demonstrates that successive governments repeatedly resorted to this mechanism under fiscal stress, particularly when oil revenues declined or sanctions intensified.The consequences include economic instability, reduced investment, erosion of public trust, and widening social inequalities. The study concludes that inflation in Iran should not be viewed merely as a monetary phenomenon but as a deliberate tool for financing persistent budget deficits.Policy recommendations highlight the need to reduce dependence on oil revenues, broaden the tax base, enhance fiscal transparency, strengthen Central Bank independence, and reinforce supervisory institutions to mitigate the structural reliance on inflationary financing. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_547.html This research conducts a discourse analysis of the Persian-language television network, Iran International, focusing on its representation of the autumn unrest and protests in Iran. The primary objective is to identify the specific discourse employed by this network to influence public opinion and exert ideological control over its audience. The article also examines the linguistic and semantic strategies utilized by Iran International, grounded in the framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA).The research methodology employs Teun A. van Dijk's model of Critical Discourse Analysis to examine six live, dialogue-based programs and panel discussions broadcast by the network during its coverage of the September 2022 events. A non-random, purposive sampling method was utilized, and the study's theoretical framework is based on the theory of representation.The findings indicate that the network's discourse is concentrated on portraying Iran's political, social, and economic landscape as dysfunctional and in a state of crisis. It promotes a dominant discourse advocating for "the overthrow of the system and the collapse of the Islamic Republic of Iran" as the principal solution. Core propositions within the network's discourse include the perpetual antagonism between the populace and the ruling establishment, suppression by security forces, and a disregard for political and civil liberties. Furthermore, Iran International strategically accentuates the role of the West, particularly the United States, constructing a savior narrative, to intensify the perception of the current situation as a crisis and to frame Iran as an international and regional threat. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_557.html "Over the past three decades, the migration of Iranian elites has become one of the structural challenges facing the country's scientific and economic system. The aim of this study is to conduct a systematic review and meta-synthesis of previous research on the migration of Iranian elites. This study was carried out through a systematic review and meta-synthesis approach, based on the seven-step model proposed by Sandelowski and Barroso (2007). The research population consisted of 114 scientific documents published between 2005 and 2025, with a sample size of 59 (purposeful sampling). Accordingly, four main dimensions of Iranian elite migration were identified and enumerated during the period from 2005 to 2025: the social dimension (social anomie, decline in social capital, dissatisfaction, discrimination, and low quality of life); the cultural dimension (repulsiveness of the educational system, decline in the status of knowledge, cultural and educational attractions of the destination, lack of educational justice, and industry inefficiency); the economic dimension (economic pressures, weak scientific investment, economic anomie, and significant disparities in income and job opportunities); and the political dimension (political discrimination, complex bureaucracy, law evasion, corruption, and low political capital) http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_550.html Many of the contemporary problems and issues in Iran can be understood and analyzed through the lens of “silent forms of violence”. The author categorizes violence into two general types: Overt violence and Silent violence. The central concern of this article is to identify and conceptualize silent forms of violence, while its main research question asks: What are the definitions and categories of silent violence, and what worldly and spiritual responsibilities do their perpetrators bear?The first and second sections of the article establish the general framework of the discussion, addressing the definition, indicators, and types of violence in terms of agency- namely, the agents and creators of violence. The second section further differentiates between the two overarching categories of violence -Overt violence and Silent violence- offering a definition for each.Silent violence encompasses various forms of physical and psychological harm in which the primary intention of the agents may not be to cause harm to others. Rather, the consequences of their “actions,” “policymaking,” “legislation,” and “decision-making”-whether positive or negative- as well as the incompetence and negligence of managers and decision-makers, give rise to such forms of violence. Silent violence is divided into two main categories: silent physical violence and silent non-physical violence. Within this framework, eight types of silent physical violence and twelve types of silent non-physical violence are classified and defined.The final section of the article turns to the issue of responsibility for silent violence and elaborates on it through three separate discussions. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_553.html The Iranian student movement, as an important part of the country's history and a phenomenon focused on activism that aims to concoct and reform, has always been involved in politics, both during the Pahlavi and Islamic Republic periods. In this article, student movements were analyzed according to Hannah Arendt's theory and from the perspective of action components. The condition for action is to observe the micro-components that Arendt presented for a free and humane political society, and they must be observed in the case of revolutions and movements in order to truly realize the politics. Components such as speaking, appearing/ being seen, freedom, plurality, self disclosure, presence in public arena, rejection of fanaticism are considered characteristics of Arendt's practice. The main question is: How many types of Iranian student movements existed before the 1979 revolution, and what extent did they possess the components of Arendt's practice? In response to this question, three types of student movements were identified: leftist (Marxist), nationalist, and religious (Islamic). Considering Arendt's political thought, different aspects of the movement were analyzed with a comparative approach. Further studies showed that each type of student movement, despite the expansion of social forces and public mobilization in different periods, did not inspire Arendt's concept of action and rather raised group and ideological demands rather than action in the Arendtian sense of the word that had the capacity to connect with freedom and politics. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_546.html Artificial intelligence is a type of technology and branches in computer science and the study and development of software and "science and engineering of making intelligent devices". In recent years, Identifying new scientific trends, standing on the edge of scientific-analytical innovation, and understanding in advance and deep practical developments caused by the emergence of artificial intelligence in the political field is one of our most important priorities for analyzing the political issue, redefining priorities and vision. New measures are in the field of national interests in emerging international conditions The result will bring significant benefits to society and the national interest in general. The main questions of the current plan are: How will artificial intelligence affect governance, voting and political participation? The hypothesis is that algorithmic governance shows that artificial intelligence is currently being used in many aspects of government, leading to the formation of virtual governance and e-government, the emergence of technical nationalism, artificial intelligence technocracy, the spread of innovation and strengthening National competitiveness, block chain-supported voting systems, the emergence of powerful private or transnational actors, political cyber insecurity, and the formation of artificial neural networks have become politicized. The main goal of this paper is to understand the theoretical developments of artificial intelligence with the aim of analyzing the future of politics in Iran. http://www.ipsajournal.ir/article_552.html In the literature of social sciences and in the field of "feminist thought",many extensive researches have been done to analyze the obstacles and challenges facing "feminine life".Despite all the efforts and intellectual innovations made in the field of women's studies, political, social,economic and cultural limitations ahead them still exist in many contemporary societies.It seems that the reason for the entry of many contemporary thinkers into the field of women's studies is due to this restrictive situation,thinkers who believe that in the long history of Western philosophy,women's voices have been absent and that concepts and ideas have always been under the control of men and male morality.As a result, in order to end this limitation and imbalance,important views have been put forward by some prominent thinkers of our era with different intellectual approaches.Within such a framework,the present article examines the issue of which of the theories existing in the field of contemporary social sciences and outside of feminist literature have been able to provide the necessary intellectual possibilities for the expansion of Feminine life in nowadays lifestyle?As a hypothesis,the answer is that thinkers such as Amartya Sen, Ronald Inglehart, and Alain Touraine can be considered among the most important thinkers who,outside of feminist thought,have each paid attention to the issue of women in a specific way and,in light of a network of concepts in their works and speeches, they have provided appropriate intellectual and practical possibilities to the expansion of Feminine life in today's world, including in Iranian society